Offensive, aggressive, even insulting, emerging from a radical right space with an “anti-establishment” discourse, liberal themes… Argentine President-elect Javier Milei is sometimes compared to a “mini-Trump”, “Trump of the pampas”, in reference to the former American president. But on closer inspection, the dissimilarities outweigh the similarities between the two men, with distinct backgrounds, origins and conditions of emergence. Even if Trump’s warm congratulations to Milei, as well as former far-right Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro, betray a “family resemblance”, or at least affinities.
Argentina great again?
Milei, like Trump, frequently evokes the theme of “rediscovered greatness”, in reference to the “golden age” (around 1870-1930) when Argentina, a rich “breadbasket of the world”, was “a world power “, “promised land” of mass immigration.
“Very proud of you (…) you are going to make Argentina a great country again,” Trump said in his congratulatory message on Sunday. But if he dreams, thanks to liberal reforms, of bringing Argentina “to the level of the United States in 35 years”, the pinnacle of success for him is rather Ireland “within 40 years “.
Which liberal?
In fact, Milei’s references are very Argentinian: he often cites one of the fathers of the Constitution, the liberal theorist (1810-1884) Juan Bautista Alberdi, or pure economists: neo-liberals of the “Chicago School ” or the libertarian Murray Rothbard (in reference to whom he named his four dogs). In politics, Milei cites Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher as references, anchoring himself in the “conservative revolution” of the 1980s.
In fact, economically, Milei, a supporter of an all-out opening of markets, “is a libertarian, while Trump is as far from it as possible”, with his protectionist streak and defense of an American national industry, believes Michael Shifter , economist at the Inter-American Dialogue think tank in Washington. Trump is in the “transaction”, Milei more “an ideologue”, he imagines. Milei in reality rarely mentions the former American president (2017-2021). The last time in September on American TV, he praised in general terms Trump’s “defense of the ideas of freedom” and “the fight against socialism”.
Not from the same world
Milei built his notoriety on TV sets, where for 6-7 years he was a popular, provocative panelist with guaranteed buzz and audience. Trump was also a familiar face with his reality TV shows, before entering politics. The parallel ends there. Trump is above all a businessman, a billionaire, who made his fortune in real estate like his tycoon father. Milei comes from the middle class, his father was a bus driver who created his transport SME.
And he shaped himself in the academic world, an economics professor without particular notoriety, but very proud of his title of “economist”, he made his living mainly from his work as a consultant in the private sector (a group managing airports). Of the two, Milei is the outsider, “really emerging from the anti-establishment”, emerged into politics two years ago, and created his small party, La Libertad Avanza. When Trump built his conquest of the presidency on the apparatus of the Grand Old Republican Party, believes Gabriel Vommaro, political scientist specializing in the right at the University of San Martin.
Milei, “Argentinian product”
“There is a family resemblance, without a doubt, but it is a mistake to include them without nuance in the same movement, without taking into account local particularities,” believes Gabriel Vommaro.
Milei’s resounding victory (55.6% of the vote) owes a lot to local Argentinian circumstances: a phenomenal fed up with twenty years of Peronist governments especially (center-left), and also “classic” liberal ones which do not have in no way been able to stem a chronic slump and inflation reaching 143%. Comparing the two “is a bit forced” because Milei “is the product of the depth of the Argentine crisis, and the general despair that people feel”, summarizes Michael Shifter.
Cultural “battle” or “opportunism”?
The “cultural battle”, or “reaction”, in many countries, against a general momentum in favor of the rights of women, of LGBT+ minorities, for abortion, is a strong component, present in particular on social networks, which has fueled Milei’s rise as it had fueled that of Trump.
But if Milei “is indeed an ally, and if there are key players in this global cultural battle in his coalition, this theme is not central in his speech”, believes Vommaro. For him, the “battle” is more generally that of liberalism against the “cultural Marxism” that has been dominant for decades, Keynesian economists and climate change watchdogs in the same bag.
However, “he realized that there was an opportunity to represent sectors which did not have a political voice”, adds the analyst. And he counts among his advisors an ultra-conservative Argentinian influencer, Agustin Laje, a supporter of a referendum on abortion (legalized in 2021).