At the FDP party conference in Berlin, chairman Lindner struck a chord with the delegates. He dictates what the liberals want. He largely saves himself from speaking out against the SPD and the Greens. But you don’t need that at all.
Minutes of applause at the end, beaming faces and comments like “the best speech in a long time”: FDP leader Christian Lindner hit the tone at his Liberal party conference. That was hardly surprising, however, because he caressed the soul of the party, singing the liberal favorite song of personal responsibility, low taxes and a restrained state.
He focused on the call for an “economic turnaround” and increasing competitiveness. But he also rejected the most recent twelve-point paper – last Monday the Federal Executive Board decided on this and included some plans in it that are not acceptable to the coalition partners SPD and Greens. These include a reform of citizens’ benefits, an abolition of pensions at 63, the abolition of the solidarity surcharge and an end to the promotion of renewable energies.
This paper reads like a declaration of war to the traffic light partners – perhaps that is why Lindner refrained from making frontal attacks against Robert Habeck or Olaf Scholz this afternoon. He barely mentioned her. Announcements like: “If this and that doesn’t happen, then the traffic lights are over” were not heard. Not even close. On the other hand: Lindner did not even begin to say anything that was even remotely reminiscent of a passionate commitment to the coalition.
He was more likely to hand it out against the CDU. Especially against EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, but also Berlin’s governing mayor Kai Wegner. Lindner complained that he was introducing a 29-euro ticket for buses and trains for up to 250 million euros and at the same time wanted to loosen the debt brake.
Don’t badmouth the economy, don’t pray healthy
Topic number 1 for Lindner was the economy. One should not badmouth the situation, said the FDP leader. But one should not ignore the “wake-up calls”. One such example could be the idea of saw manufacturer Stihl moving production to Switzerland. “A company from Baden-Württemberg has to consider producing in Switzerland!” he exclaimed. It’s not because of the level of wages, he said. No, in Switzerland people work 375 more hours per year.
Lindner listed point by point the advantages that his plans have from his point of view. Geopolitically, more growth helps Germany because German influence is ultimately based on economic strength. In socio-political terms, more growth is needed because it enables advancement – in a “stagnating society” there are distribution struggles instead. One man’s gain is another man’s loss.
But growth is also needed for democracy. Anyone who fears social decline should ask themselves why democracy doesn’t offer them more. That’s why economic growth is the “best democracy promotion law you can have,” said Lindner. A tip against the Greens, who want to pass a law of the same name. The FDP rejects this as too expensive and not effective.
Specifically, Lindner said little that was new – he has already said most of it in other speeches or interviews over the past few weeks and months. The solidarity surcharge should be abolished because it is mainly paid by companies – and they need to be relieved. The debt brake should not be relaxed. Citizens’ money should not become an unconditional basic income.
Bureaucracy must be reduced. There were broadsides against Brussels – you couldn’t reduce as much bureaucracy as would come from there. Ursula von der Leyen is responsible for this. “There is a reason that the CDU is hiding its top candidate on its posters for the European elections,” said Lindner. The bureaucracy has a first name: “Ursula” – an FDP saying that has now been heard a lot in the election campaign for the European elections on June 9th.
How is this supposed to fit together with the Greens and the SPD?
Linder listed the FDP’s achievements, but described them only as “building blocks” that others would have to follow. The Growth Opportunities Act, the Skilled Immigration Act and the Climate Protection Act passed last week. He also addressed basic child welfare. The FDP only voted under two conditions – there should be no new bureaucracy and no incentives not to work. But that is exactly the case. Up to 5,000 new civil servants would have to be hired for this – he did not mention that the Greens were willing to compromise on this point. Lindner asked whether it wouldn’t be better to put the billions planned for basic child welfare into child care instead. Anyone who works part-time can then switch to full-time.
One thing you can’t blame Lindner for is that he wouldn’t try to provide answers to pressing problems. The economic situation is delicate. In view of zero growth, a lack of investment and a high burden of bureaucracy, there is a need for action. The fact that the FDP wants to do something about this is in line with its self-image. But the more arguments Lindner listed, the more the question arose as to how this would actually fit in with the wishes of the SPD and the Greens.
The question now is what follows from this speech. It was not a declaration of war on the coalition. But Lindner can’t just go back to the agenda. Anyone who presents a program like this with verve can’t forget it from next week onwards. Something has to happen now, the plans have to be reflected in government action. And if not? Then it crashes again, that much is certain.