The description of the situation “so lala” is the German version of a French expression. It is therefore an excellent way of characterizing the relationship between the two countries. Scholz and Macron cannot find a connection with each other. The Chancellor and the President are trying very hard, most of the time anyway.
Critics and opponents of Olaf Scholz in political Berlin tell a small, mean anecdote about the Chancellor. It goes something like this: At the end of a working meeting in Paris, French head of state Emmanuel Macron invited the German head of government for a glass of wine. But he turned down the offer, saying he was tired and needed to sleep. Macron allegedly took this as an affront. Whether this really happened is almost irrelevant because the message is so good from the point of view of Scholz sceptics: the cool German has once again missed the opportunity to expand or cement the emotional foundation of German-French relations – depending on how you interpret the status quo. And anyway: what kind of person turns down the opportunity for a fine tipple from the wine cellar of the Élysée Palace?
On Tuesday, Scholz and Macron will meet again at Meseberg Castle for the German-French government consultations. On such occasions, the question of the state of friendship between the two countries always arises. Among the many standards that are applied to a German Chancellor is always the question: is he or she also a great European who always carries the German-French friendship in his or her heart?
The yardstick is served by images that have become etched in the memory of the republic: Helmut Schmidt smiling in a confidential conversation with Valéry Giscard d’Estaing; Helmut Kohl and Francois Mitterrand hand in hand at the military cemetery in Verdun; Gerhard Schröder and Jacques Chirac arm in arm at the commemoration of the Allied landings in Normandy; and of course Merkozy. Kisses on the left, kisses on the right, Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy also found each other after a lot of effort. Since the days of Konrad Adenauer and Charles de Gaulle, the history of Franco-German friendship has always told of the relationship between the incumbent Chancellor and the President of the French Republic. And this relationship has rarely been as difficult as it was during the years of Olaf Scholz and Emmanuel Macron.
The engine runs, but not smoothly
Before he travels to Meseberg, Macron will make a state visit to mark the 75th anniversary of the Basic Law. It is the first by a French head of state since 2000. In January, Macron spoke in German in the Bundestag at the memorial service for the late Wolfgang Schäuble. And in October before that, the Frenchman, who loves good food, even ate a fish sandwich when he met Scholz in his hometown of Hamburg. Macron is sympathetic to Germany.
So formally everything is fine, if not excellent. The President and Chancellor have now met dozens of times, not only at bilateral meetings, but of course also at summits such as the G7 and G20, as well as at the EU and NATO. There are also regular phone calls, particularly with regard to the situation in Ukraine. The famous German-French engine of the European Union seems to run reliably at first glance, but it is far from running smoothly, rather stuttering: from defence and Ukraine policy to the further development of the EU, foreign trade and energy policy, and relations with the USA, Berlin and Paris are pursuing different goals. Discord between the two capitals is regularly heard.
In March of this year, Scholz nevertheless said: “Emmanuel Macron and I have a very good personal relationship – I would call it very friendly.” From his point of view, that may even be true: it is not as if he is noticeably closer to heads of government or state in other countries. ntv reporter Heike Boese, who has known Scholz for years and has accompanied him on many trips abroad, speaks of the two having “very different personalities”. “Olaf Scholz likes the role of the cool Hanseatic who is not disturbed by anything, and Emmanuel Macron cultivates his temperamental and emotional image,” says Boese. “The two simply do not fit together.”
In his book “A German Chancellor,” journalist Daniel Brössler describes a joint appearance at the Sorbonne University in Paris. “The Chancellor and President briefly embrace and shake hands. That’s quite a lot,” writes Brössler. “Not only does Scholz not like grand gestures, he also shies away from too much closeness.” The fact that the two have problems getting along because of their different styles can also be read in the French media. Macron’s penchant for pathos means he comes off no better than the German, who from a French perspective appears to be stereotypically distant.
Fragile unity in the struggle with Russia
The personal differences would be less dramatic if there weren’t constant problems with the content: In January 2023, France rushed ahead with the announcement that it wanted to deliver light battle tanks. The lockstep of the Western allies in military support for Ukraine, preached by Scholz, is thus no longer valid. In addition, the Social Democrat is allergic to being put under pressure – whether real or only apparent. Conversely, Scholz left France out when he launched an initiative for a joint European air defense with other European countries. Such a thing would have been unthinkable under Merkel. Macron’s offer to take Europe under the protective umbrella of the French nuclear arsenal, on the other hand, was ignored by the Chancellery.
Macron also caused friction when he refused to rule out the deployment of Western forces on Ukrainian soil at the end of February this year. The German government immediately and decisively rejected such speculation. Scholz and Macron then criticised each other bluntly. In France, the conflict is also interpreted in this way: two parties are fighting for the leadership role in Europe’s struggle with Russia. And because one likes to act like the strong man, while the other prides himself on his “prudence” and caution, the German-French tandem wheel is wobbling dangerously: both want to sit in front and then steer in different directions. Vladimir Putin is pleased about this.
Dangerous vacuum
What is particularly irritating in Berlin is that Macron is always strong in his announcements but weak in his delivery: Ukraine Support Tracker The Kiel Institute for the World Economy reports 10 billion euros for Germany in military aid alone. France, the second largest economy in the EU, is behind Denmark, Poland and the Netherlands with 2.7 billion euros. When the EU decided to make joint purchases of arms for Ukraine, Macron put the brakes on things: only material from EU production should be procured, not from the world market. This makes procurement more expensive and slows down, but Paris is primarily concerned with the benefit of the domestic arms industry.
The list of differences played out in the open is long. In Brussels, the lack of agreement between Paris and Berlin leaves a vacuum that others are happy to fill. Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, for example: In recent months, the right-wing extremist politician has sought to be close to Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, repeatedly accompanying her abroad. In this way, the post-fascist gained influence in Brussels and painted a picture of Rome as the new center of power in Europe at home.
There have always been differences
On second glance, however, the fact that there is a rift between the French president and the German head of government is nothing new. Chirac and Schröder first found each other during their joint resistance to the US invasion of Iraq. Sarkozy and Merkel laid the foundation for their close relationship during the euro crisis – after initial irritations about each other’s character. Germany’s traditionally closer ties to the USA than to France, which strives for the greatest possible autonomy, are a constant. The same applies to the stubborn national egoisms in economic matters. The hallmark of the Franco-German friendship is therefore not so much that both countries always want the same thing. Rather, it has always been about tirelessly seeking balance despite different interests.
This striving for compromise is reflected in the relationship between President and Chancellor. “This couple is very important for mediating and embodying German-French relations,” says Eric-André Martinhead of Franco-German studies at the French Institute for International Relations (IFRI) in an interview with Euractiv. Given their many meetings, it is obvious that Scholz and Macron are aware of the importance of this external image.
“I think that the relationship between the two is not as bad as it is often described, but they are not really close,” says ntv reporter Boese. “It is definitely not a male friendship, but it is now a good and resilient working relationship.” And missed opportunities can sometimes be made up for: Meseberg Castle also has a wine cellar.