A committee of inquiry is starting work today, which is already a problem for Manuela Schwesig. He is supposed to clarify the background of a dubious foundation with which the SPD wanted to secure the construction of Nord Stream 2. Some spicy details about the SPD-Russia connection should become known.
Cabinet meeting on Rügen, jubilation about the minimum wage increase and “finally a district party conference again” – it’s normal in the politician’s life of Manuela Schwesig, if you take her postings on social media as a benchmark. The Prime Minister of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania is clearly trying to put the debate about her involvement in the construction of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline via a Kremlin-financed fake climate foundation behind her. There are reasons for this: Schwesig’s star is sinking in her state, which was confirmed in mid-February as having ambitions for the chancellorship after Olaf Scholz. While 71 percent of citizens were satisfied with the work of the social democrat before the state elections in September, the figure in the most recent survey for NDR fell to 49 percent. Trend: further falling.
The scandal for Schwesig is far from over. Because only now does his processing begin with the resources of a committee of inquiry. It will meet for the first time this Friday in the Schwerin state parliament and should bring to light some spicy details about the SPD-Russia connection. The testimonies of former Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Schwesig himself will make headlines.
Pipeline Construction Foundation
In addition, the “Climate and Environmental Protection Foundation MV”, which was significantly initiated by Schwesig, must be treated “like an authority” after a judgment by the Schwerin district court this week – the newspaper “Welt” complained. That means: It has to publicly provide information about what it did in 2021, the year it was founded. So far she has left almost all questions unanswered.
Schwesig had explained that the main purpose of the foundation, managed by her predecessor in the office of Prime Minister, Erwin Sellering, was, as the name suggests, climate and environmental protection. From the outset, however, the institution was designed in such a way that Nord Stream 2 was to be completed with its help, and Ukraine would have lost a lot of money if it were operated, which critics have always complained about, but Schwesig ignored.
The head of government had assured that the foundation would not build the gas route, but would only make a contribution to its completion if US sanctions made it necessary. There are now serious doubts about this. In the final phase of the construction of Nord Stream 2, the facility apparently acted as a secret builder. After weeks of refusing to provide any information, Sellering’s institution told “Welt” that it had already signed 80 contracts with companies for orders worth 165 million euros in January 2021 – i.e. immediately during the founding period. “Overall, annual sales of around 200 million euros are likely for 2021,” the newspaper reported.
No idea or no scruples?
The Greens in the state parliament rated the numbers as the latest evidence of “the entire absurdity of the foundation structure”. From the point of view of your energy policy spokesman Hannes Damm, the question of the main purpose of the foundation has already been clarified. His argument: Even if the maximum amount of 60 million euros promised by Gazprom for climate protection had been paid, it would be more than 100 million euros below the financial commitment of the facility for Nord Stream 2.
That doesn’t look good for Schwesig because it means: either she had no idea what was happening in the foundation. Or she knew and lied and deceived the public. Especially since the SPD politician was always understood to mean that she was concerned with protecting companies based in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania from US sanctions. In the meantime, however, it is known that only a third of the 80 contracts went to companies in Schwesig’s federal state. As soon as the names of the companies – possibly consulting or law firms – become known, it will become clear whether it is a network of Kremlin-related companies.
One thing is certain: the more that comes out, the more suspicious the opposition will be about everything Sellering, the Prime Minister and her SPD do to clarify the events. Because so far everything points to a pronounced salami tactic of always only admitting what can no longer be denied because it was made public by the media.
“A Social Democratic Special Operation”
A constant accusation from the CDU, FDP and Greens – they jointly requested and enforced the committee of inquiry – against the red-red coalition is: lack of transparency and obfuscation. René Domke, chairman of the FDP parliamentary group, speaks of a “cat and mouse game about handing over information” and a “hide and seek about people and connections”. Those responsible in the state government and foundation only reacted to pressure, he said in support of the parliamentary investigation.
The fact that the state government does not make things easy for the opposition is shown by the minimal number of members on the committee. The CDU, FDP and Greens called for a total of 13 MPs to be assigned to the investigation – Red-Red only allowed nine. Since the majority of the state parliament must be reflected in committees, this means that the SPD alone will send four MPs to the committee, the traditionally Putin-friendly parties Left and AfD as well as the CDU, Greens and FDP one parliamentarian each. However: the presidency goes to the Christian Democrats, since it is their turn. The head of a U-committee must act impartially. This means that the burden of clearing up the huge complex will primarily rest on the shoulders of two MPs from the Greens and the FDP.
The opposition refuses to be intimidated. The CDU also sees the committee as a way of freeing itself from its own actions. Because when the foundation was planned and decided, she governed with the SPD. Franz-Robert Liskow, leader of the Christian Democrats, is committed to it. However: “The founding of the foundation was demonstrably a social-democratic special operation at all times.” And from his point of view, the truth is that shortly before the war began, “Manuela Schwesig was a Russian advertising icon”.