“To help farmers, let’s redirect certain public spending to allow communities to purchase sustainable and local products”

Dince the start of the farmers’ revolt, the EGalim law has often been mentioned as one of the causes of their unhappiness: manufacturers and large-scale retailers do not respect the rules set by this text in terms of price setting. But we forget the other part of the EGalim law, the one which commits the State through the increase in the share of sustainable food products in public collective catering. On this subject, the State has set several objectives which are far from being achieved, due to lack of public money. One of the levers to help farmers would be to redirect certain public spending to allow communities to purchase sustainable and local products.

Read also | Article reserved for our subscribers The agriculture and food law buries several of Macron’s promises

The EGalim law was promulgated in November 2018 to strengthen the negotiating power of farmers with their industrial partners, promote the transition of agricultural models and enable the consumption of healthy and sustainable products. This text followed the General States of Food, which took place just after the election of Emmanuel Macron, in 2017.

One of the important aspects of this law is the obligation for public collective restaurants to offer a minimum of 50% sustainable or quality products on users’ plates, including at least 25% organic products. This aspect, very little mentioned in discussions between unions and the State since the start of the crisis, has structured the action of many local authorities and educational structures, and many farmers, notably through “territorial food projects” .

Stagnation of figures

From an economic point of view, this component was supposed to contribute to improving the lives of farmers. The other aspect, that linked to commercial negotiations, essentially concerns farmers who sell in a long circuit, that is to say to manufacturers, while the aspect linked to collective catering rather concerns sales in a short circuit, to catering professionals.

The “collective catering” component was intended to allow farms offering fruit, vegetables, meat or dairy products to find new outlets in the public sector, while encouraging them to change their agricultural model. The omission of this aspect in current debates is surprising, because short circuit sales are far from being a niche market. According to the 2020 agricultural census, nearly 25% of farmers sell through short circuits, compared to around 17% in 2010.

You have 50.62% of this article left to read. The rest is reserved for subscribers.

source site-30